The Rajputs, in association with the Kolis, were probably the only horizontal unit which had continuous internal hierarchy, i.e., hypergamy unbroken by any endogamous subdivisions, and which did not have discernible boundaries at the lowest level. The two categories of castes have been deeply conscious of these differences between them and have been talking freely about them. For example, just as there were Modh Vanias, there were Modh Brahmans, and similarly Khadayata Vanias and Khadayata Brahmans, Shrimali Vanias and Shrimali Brahmans, Nagar Vanias and Nagar Brahmans, and so on. Content Filtrations 6. The most important example of primarily political caste association is the Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha. Such a description not only overlooks the diversity and complexity of caste divisions and the rural-urban Link- ages in them but also leads to placing them in the same category as Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Jains, Buddhists, and so on. But there was also another process. Usually, the affairs of the caste were discussed in large congregations of some fifty to hundred or even more villages from time to time. These marriage links do not seem to have allowed, among the Kolis, formation of well organized, small, endogamous units (ekadas, gols) as were found among some other castes. Although they claimed to be Brahman they were closely associated with agriculture. Similarly, the Vanias were divided into such divisions as Disawal, Kapol, Khadayata, Lad, Modh, Nagar, Nima, Porwad, Shirmali, Vayada, and Zarola. Homo Hierarchicus. Before publishing your articles on this site, please read the following pages: 1. They married their daughters into higher Rajput lineages in the local area who in turn married their daughters into still higher nearly royal rajput lineages in Saurashtra and Kachchh. We shall return to this issue later. There was also another important correlation. Frequently, marriages were arranged in contravention of a particular rule after obtaining the permission of the council of leaders and paying a penalty in advance. Sometimes a division could even be a self-contained endogamous unit. In recent years, however, there has been a tendency to emphasize hierarchy as the primary principle encompassing the principle of division. For example, among Vanias in a large town like Ahmedabad many of the thirty or forty second-order divisions (such as Khadayata, Modh, Porwad, Shrimali, and so on) were represented. James Campbell (1901: xii), the compiler of gazetteers for the former Bombay presidency comprising several linguistic regions, wrote about Gujarat: In no part of India are the subdivisions so minute, one of them, the Rayakval Vanias, numbering only 47 persons in 1891. Patel is a surname of the Koli caste of Gujarat in India which have most importance in the politics of Gujarat and Koli Patels of Saurashtra was most benefited under the rule of Indian National Congress party. Each unit was ranked in relation to others, and many members of the lower units married their daughters into the higher units, so that almost every unit became loose in the course of time. A block printed and resist-dyed fabric, whose origin is from Gujarat was found in the tombs of Fostat, Egypt. Tirgaar, Tirbanda. Pocock goes on to observe that diminution of emphasis upon hierarchy and increasing emphasis upon difference are features of caste in modern, particularly urban, India: there is a shift from the caste system to individual castes and this reflects the change that is taking place in India today (290). hu)_EYUT?:fX:vOR,4g4ce{\(wcUO %OW-Knj|qV]_)1?@{^ $:0ZY\fpg7J~Q~pHaMVSP5bLC}6+zwgv;f f^v4[|vug+vO0h t7QNP}EYm+X[x~;O|z5tq ]-39aa{g-u5n:a56&`3y.f-a@a"0v-a@$%`Z]]Iqb56aR0g 30V9EM%K"#|6uN? =O|8alCcs):~AC<5 q|om57/|Sgc}2c#)U~WL}%T]s> z. More of them were located in the plains, than in the bordering highlands. In no other nation has something as basic as one's clothing or an act as simple as spinning cotton become so intertwined with a national movement. Early industrial labour was also drawn mainly from the urban artisan and servant castes. I should hasten to add, however, that the open-minded scholar that he is, he does not rule out completely the possibility of separation existing as independent principle. Prohibited Content 3. Kolis were the largest first-order division in Gujarat. Many primarily rural castes, such as Kolisthe largest castehave remained predominantly rural even today. Caste associations in Gujarat were formed mainly among upper castes to provide welfare (including recreation), to promote modern education, and to bring about reforms in caste customs. This list may not reflect recent changes. The highest stratum among the Leva Kanbi tried to maintain its position by practising polygyny and female infanticide, among other customs and institutions, as did the highest stratum among the Rajput. so roamed around clueless. As a consequence, the continuities of social institutions and the potentiality of endogenous elements for bringing about change are overlooked (for a discussion of some other difficulties with these paradigms, see Lynch 1977). Within each of these divisions, small endogamous units (ekdas, gols, bandhos) were organized from time to time to get relief from the difficulties inherent in hypergamy. Moreover, the king himself belonged to some caste (not just to the Kshatriya Varna) and frequently a number of kings belonged to the same caste (e.g., Rajput). %PDF-1.7 To whichever of the four orders a caste division belonged, its horizontal spread rarely, if ever, coincided with that of another. I have, therefore, considered them a first-order division and not a second-order one among Brahmans (for a fuller discussion of the status of Anavils, see Joshi, 1966; Van der Veen 1972; Shah, 1979). One of the reasons behind underplaying of the principle of division by Dumont as well as by others seems to be the neglect of the study of caste in urban areas (see Dumonts remarks in 1972: 150). What may be called the census approach influenced a great deal of scholarly work. In the meanwhile, it is important to note that there does not seem to have been any attempt to form small endogamous units (ekdas, gols) at any level among the Rajputs unlike attempts made as we shall see, among some other hypergamous castes in Gujarat. Here, usually, what mattered was the first-order division, as for example Brahman, Vania, Rajput, Kanbi, carpenter, barber, leather-worker, and so on. These prefixes Visa and Dasa, were generally understood to be derived from the words for the numbers 20 (vis) and 10 (das), which suggested a descending order of status, but there is no definite evidence of such hierarchy in action. Some ekdas did come into existence in almost the same way as did the tads, that is to say, by a process of fission of one ekda into two or more ekdas. Broach, Cambay and Surat were the largest, but there were also a number of smaller ones. This reflects the high degree of divisiveness in castes in Gujarat. Limitations of the holistic view of caste, based as it is mainly on the study of the village, should be realized in the light of urban experience. There were Brahman and Vania divisions of the same name, the myths about both of them were covered by a single text. We have analyzed the internal structure of two first-order divisions, Rajput and Anavil, which did not have any second-order divisions, and of several second-order divisionsTalapada and Pardeshi Koli, Khedawal Brahman, and Leva Kanbiwhich did not have any third-order divisions. The understanding of changes in caste is not likely to be advanced by clubbing such diverse groups together under the rubric of ethnic group. In fact, inter-tad marriages have increased so much that the tads have more or less lost their identity and such marriages are no longer considered as violating the rule of tad endogamy. Today majority of these community members are not engaged in their ancestral weaving occupation still some population of these community contribute themselves in traditional handloom weaving of famous Patola of Patan, Kachchh shawl of Bhujodi in Kutch, Gharchola and Crotchet of Jamnagar, Zari of Surat, Mashroo of Patan and Mandvi in Kutch, Bandhani of Jamnagar, Anjar and Bhuj, Motif, Leheria, Dhamakda and Ajrak, Nagri sari, Tangaliya Shawl, Dhurrie, Kediyu, Heer Bharat, Abhala, Phento and art of Gudri. The purpose is not to condemn village studies, as is caste in a better perspective after deriving insights from village studies. Unfortunately, although the Kolis are an important element in Gujarats population, their earlier ethnography is confusing, and there is hardly any modern, systematic, anthropological, sociological or historical study, so that the confusion continues to persist. Castes pervaded by divisive tendencies had small populations confined to small areas separated from each other by considerable gaps. The hierarchy, however, was very gradual and lacked sharpness. The fact that Mahatma Gandhi came from a small third-order division in the Modh Vania division in a town in Saurashtra does not seem to be an accident. They co-existed in the highlands with tribes such as the Bhils, so much so that today frequently many high caste Gujaratis confuse them with Bhils, as did the earlier ethnographers. Division and Hierarchy: An Overview of Caste in Gujarat! yorba linda football maxpreps; weiteste entfernung gerichtsbezirk; wyoming rockhounding locations google maps; Until recently, sociologists and anthropologists described Indian society as though it had no urban component in the past. Although some of them set up shops in villages they rarely became full-fledged members of the village community. TOS 7. 4 0 obj The degree of contravention is highest if the couple belong to two different first-order divisions. There are thus a few excellent studies of castes as horizontal units. Usually, it was a small population. I have bits and pieces of information about relations between a considerable numbers of other lower-order divisions in their respective higher-order divisions. The existence of ekdas or gols, however, does not mean that the divisiveness of caste ended there or that the ekdas and gols were always the definitive units of endogamy. The patterns of change in marriage and in caste associations are two of the many indications of the growing significance of the principle of division (or separation or difference) in caste in urban areas in Gujarat. In the case of some of them the small population was so dispersed that a division such as that of barbers, blacksmiths, or carpenters, would be represented by only one or two households in each village and by a significant number of households in towns. Thus, at one end, there were first-order divisions, each of which was sub-divided up to the fourth-order, and at the other end there were first-order divisions which were not further divided at all. When the rural population began to be drawn towards the new opportunities, the first to take advantage of them were the rural sections of the rural-cum-urban castes. stream Frequently, each such unit had a patron deity, housed in a large shrine, with elaborate arrangements for its ownership. This account of the divisions is based on various sources, but mainly on Bombay Gazetteer (1901). Hence started farming and small scale business in the British Raj to thrive better conditions ahead to maintain their livelihood. Even the archaeological surveys and studies have indicated that the people of Dholavira, Surkotada. Another clearly visible change in caste in Gujarat is the emergence of caste associations. For example, there were Khedawal Brahmans but not Khedawal Vanias, and Lad Vanias but no Lad Brahmans. Significantly, a large number of social thinkers and workers who propagated against the hierarchical features of caste came from urban centres. Since these were all status categories rather than clear- cut divisions, I have not considered them as constituting third-order divisions. 100 Most Popular Indian Last Names Or SurnamesWhy Don't Tamil People Have Last Names?-----A . In addition, they carried on overland trade with many towns in central and north India. 4 GUJARAT 4273 SHODA . What I am trying to point out, however, is that greater emphasis on division (Pococks difference, Dumonts separation. Simultaneously, there is gradual decline in the strength of the principle of hierarchy, particularly of ritual hierarchy expressed in purity and pollution. For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sections resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. The most Mehta families were found in USA in 1920. Briefly, while the Varna model was significant in the total dynamics of the caste system to fit the numerous first-order divisions into the four-fold Varna model in any part of India is impossible, and, therefore, to consider varnas as caste divisions as such is meaningless. There were also a number of first-order divisions, mainly of artisans, craftsmen and specialized servants, with small populations. It was also an extreme example of a division having a highly differentiated internal hierarchy and practising hypergamy as an accepted norm. As could be expected, there were marriages between fairly close kin, resulting in many overlapping relationships, in such an endogamous unit. In the second kind of area, indigenous Kolis live side-by-side with immigrant Kolis from an adjoining area. The Brahmans were divided into such divisions as Audich, Bhargav, Disawal, Khadayata, Khedawal, Mewada, Modh, Nagar, Shrigaud, Shrimali, Valam, Vayada, and Zarola. We shall return later to a consideration of this problem. Sometimes castes are described as becoming ethnic groups in modern India, particularly in urban India. On this Wikipedia the language links are at the top of the page across from the article title. For example, all Vania divisions were divided into a number of ekdas or gols. Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. Although the number of inter-ekda marriages has been increasing, even now the majority of marriages take place within an ekda. There was not only no pyramid type of arrangement among the many ekdas in a second-order Vania divisionthe type of arrangement found in the Rajput, Leva Kanbi, Anavil and Khedawal divisions-but frequently there was no significant sign of hierarchical relation, except boastful talk, between two neighbouring ekdas. We need to formulate some idea of the nature of the Indian urban society and its relation with the rural society in the past, at least at the beginning of the 19th century. The unit might possess some other corporate characteristics also. The highland Bhils seem to have provided brides to lower Rajputs on the other side of the highlands also, i.e., to those in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh (see, for example, Doshi, 1971: 7f., 13-15; Aurora 1972: 16, 32f.). Among the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the fourth order, there are associations for divisions of all the orders. So instead of a great exporter of finished products, India became an importer of British, while its share of world export fell from 27% to two percent. Hence as we go down the hierarchy we encounter more and more debates regarding the claims of particular lineages to being Rajput so much so that we lose sight of any boundary and the Rajput division merges imperceptibly into some other division. Caste divisions of the first-order can be classified broadly into three categories. Division and hierarchy have always been stressed as the two basic principles of the caste system. Usually, the latter were distinguished from one another by prohibition. Advances in manufacturing technologies flooded markets in India and abroad with cheap, mass-produced fabrics that Indian handlooms could no longer compete with. Patidars or Patels claim themselves to be descendants of Lord Ram. There was also another kind of feast, called bhandaro, where Brahmans belonging to a lesser number of divisions (say, all the few in a small town) were invited. . In any case, the population of any large caste was found in many kingdoms. However, on the basis of the meagre information I have, I am able to make a few points. Thus, while each second-order Koli division maintained its boundaries vis-a-vis other such divisions, each was linked with the Rajputs. Let me illustrate briefly. Sindhollu, Chindollu. endobj Till the establishment of democratic polity in 1947, hardly any caste association in Gujarat had manifest political functions. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of a lower order within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. Pages in category "Social groups of Gujarat" The following 157 pages are in this category, out of 157 total. The significant point, however, is that there were small endogamous units which were not, like ekdas and tads, part of any higher-order division. It is argued that the various welfare programmes of each caste association, such as provision of medical facilities, scholarships and jobs for caste members contribute, in however small a way, to the solution of the nations problems. In the second-order divisions of the Vanias the small endogamous units functioned more effectively and lasted longer: although the hypergamous tendency did exist particularly between the rural and the urban sections in a unit, it had restricted play. The division had an elaborate internal hierarchy, with wealthy and powerful landlords and tax-farmers at the top and small landholders, tenants and labourers at the bottom. In each of these three divisions the top stratum was clear. To take one sensitive area of purity/pollution behaviour, the concern for observance of rules of commensality has greatly declined not only in urban but also in rural areas.